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Excerpts
from
Chapter 19: Pregnancy and Antenatal Care
Antenatal Care
A great deal of time, money and energy are invested in antenatal care
in the West. Most women have been socialized and educated into regular
clinic attendance, which is considered to be extremely important despite
the fact that many components of routine antenatal care have no proven
benefits (Enkin, Keirse and Chalmers, 1990; Steer, 1993).
It has been known for some time that many women find antenatal clinics
tiresome and unrewarding and that they do not meet their needs
(Gladman, 1994). Too often women have been passive targets, expected to
turn up, wait for hours and then accept 'care' which does not always address
their concerns (Thorley and Rouse, 1993). The social, emotional and spiritual
aspects of pregnancy important to many may be ignored (Vincent Priya,
1992). Some women are subjected to unexplained procedures and investigations
(Smith and Marteau, 1995). Childcare facilities are rare, and mothers
are often distracted and stressed by the demands of their other children,
both in the waiting area and during the consultation. Journeys may be
long and difficult. Nevertheless, most women spend large amounts of time,
energy and money travelling to and attending clinics.
Women of minority groups may encounter a range of additional disincentives
to antenatal attendance. For example:
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being in an alien environment, feeling
conspicuous and out of place |
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unwelcoming or racist attitudes and behaviour |
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appointment times that disregard religious
festivals or family commitments |
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health professionals who do not understand
or respect their needs and preferences |
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being addressed incorrectly because staff
do not understand their naming systems |
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language barriers (Narang and Murphy, 1994). |
For some women the whole concept of antenatal care as organised in the
West is new and they have to adapt to unfamiliar systems and values. Medicalized
antenatal care, blood tests, ultrasound, urine tests and amniocentesis
may be completely new concepts. Women who do not understand the purpose
of antenatal care and the various checks, or who feel threatened and uncomfortable
at clinics may see little point in attending.
| 'We had a lot of trouble persuading some women from rural areas
of Africa to bring urine samples to the clinic. They always smiled
but said they had forgotten. Eventually I realized that they could
not see the point and what is more they thought we were extremely
odd to ask for their urine. To them it seemed as crazy as we would
think a request to bring in our toe-nail clippings. Once we explained,
there was no problem.' |
Obstetric registrar
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| 'Bangladeshi women who have had several babies back home may
not see the relevance of antenatal care. They managed quite well without
it before. They may also be wary of having investigations or treatment
imposed on them.' |
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Midwife teacher
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Women who live completely within their own communities may not have had
direct contact with the majority culture before using the maternity services.
The wider the cultural gap, the more bewildering and difficult the experience
is likely to be.
| 'I felt grateful for so much attention from the doctors. But
I was afraid that some of the tests would harm my baby. And often
I did not understand why they were doing them. I had two babies in
Bangladesh without all these tests and everything was OK. I did not
worry so much there.' |
| Mother of three |
In addition, some women worry about the 'policing' and monitoring role
of health professionals, and fear that they may get into trouble if they
do not conform or if they inadvertently reveal some practice or aspect
of behaviour that health professionals might disapprove of.
The impact of reputation
Once they are in the system many women feel powerless. Women of
minority groups may have reason to feel even more so. Reports of poor
care, abuse or rudeness travel fast. Women who book late or 'default'
on appointments are usually seen as irresponsible and unco-operative,
but some may have good reasons. Those who have experienced or fear unsympathetic
or inappropriate treatment may vote with their feet.
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'In the late 1980s, Asian women who were going to have their
babies at the local district general hospital started to delay booking
until they were 24 weeks pregnant. They had heard through the community
grapevine that a consultant obstetrician there had decided that
all women over 40 should have amniocentesis.
'No consent was obtained, nor were the procedure, the risks,
or the decisions that might have to be made afterwards explained.
Amniocentesis was forcibly carried out on women, some of whom were
held down during the procedure, regardless of lack of consent and
the fact that many would not have contemplated termination on religious
grounds. Not surprisingly, women who heard what had happened to
sisters and friends took they only action they felt able to. Avoidance.'
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Midwife teacher
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| 'In the clinic where I worked, women undergoing
pre-natal diagnosis came in expecting abdominal ultrasound. Many of
the Asian women, who had less explanation than the others, and were
not asked for their consent, were particularly horrified and humiliated
to find they were expected to submit to trans-vaginal ultrasound performed
by a male doctor using a transducer covered with a condom. One woman
who spoke little English became extremely distressed when the doctor
continued against her obvious resistance.' |
| Student midwife |
What kind of care does your antenatal clinic offer?
Take a fresh look at your antenatal clinic. One way of reviewing
some aspects of your service is to sit quietly and unobtrusively in the
reception or waiting area and to fade into the background and watch.
Consider the following questions:
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What is going well? What concrete evidence do I have
for my conclusions? |
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What needs improving? How can these improvements be
achieved? |
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Is everyone, including clerks and receptionists, friendly,
respectful and welcoming? |
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Is bureaucracy kept to a minimum? |
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Are people addressed correctly? Are there mechanisms
for recording names of women and their partners or husbands correctly
(see Chapter 14). |
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Are women put at ease? Do they know what to do next
at each stage and where to go? |
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Are appointment procedures sufficiently flexible to
take account of different religious festivals and of each woman's
work, family and childcare commitments? |
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Do the posters and leaflets reflect the variety of cultures
and groups in your community? |
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Are there crèche facilities? |
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Are interpreters readily available for all the main
local languages? Is there a system for getting hold of an interpreter
for a client who speaks a language that is not normally catered for? |
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Whose agenda is being met? Are women's concerns being
addressed? |
ANTENATAL SCREENING
The way a women reacts to antenatal screening and the decisions she
makes will be influenced by her attitude to her pregnancy and her feelings
about becoming a mother. She will also be influenced by her own and her
community's attitudes towards normality and disability, by economic factors
and by religious and moral beliefs.
Many parents want screening and see it as a positive advance which widens
their choices. However they may be unclear about what these choices involve.
They may not understand the purpose and scope of the tests that are offered,
or that the potential end result of many tests is the termination of a
pregnancy.
| 'I had no idea during my first two pregnancies what the tests
I had might lead to. I assumed that if they found something wrong
they could put it right. I was horrified to discover during my third
pregnancy, that the only option I would have had was a decision to
get rid of the baby.' |
| Professional woman |
Some parents may feel that it would be irresponsible to refuse the tests
they are offered. Others may accept certain tests and refuse others for
'non-medical' reasons.
| 'Well, they offered me blood test and a scan to see if the baby
was alright, so I had the scan because I can't stand needles.' |
| Mother of three |
Some parents may be confused about the distinction between screening,
which assesses how likely they are to be carrying a baby
with a specific condition, and diagnostic tests, which can tell 'with
reasonable certainty' whether or not the baby is affected. (Green
and Statham, 1993). They may accept testing without realizing the psychological
risks and benefits and that their anxiety may in fact be increased rather
than diminished (Van den Akker, 1993). They may also assume that if the
results of all the tests are negative, their baby will definitely be healthy.
Ultrasound is generally considered a positive psychological experience
for pregnant women and many parents welcome a routine scan as an opportunity
to see their baby. But because women are often given far less information
about the purpose of scans than about serum screening tests they may be
unaware that their baby is being screened for anomalies (Smith and Marteau,
1995). If even a minor problem is found, anxieties are raised and their
relationship and attitude to their baby during the rest of the pregnancy
is likely to be altered (Boyle, 1994).
| 'My sister-in-law had a scan and they told her they'd found placental
lakes and she was to come back in a month for another scan. At that
scan they found them again, so they sent her away for another month.
She was worried sick. When she want back the third time they told
her cheerfully that the lakes had disappeared. She plucked up the
courage to ask what it all meant and they told her they didn't really
know, but placental lakes were quite common and usually went away.
Her pregnancy had been ruined by three months worry.' |
| Postnatal support worker |
Women who accept screening such as the 'triple test' may not realize
that dealing with the results and deciding what action to take is sometimes
far from simple.
| 'There's a lot more anguish about. Every week I listen to women
trying to make decisions on the basis of numerical probabilities.
Probabilities aren't tremendously helpful when you are trying to decide
whether or not accept diagnostic procedures which carry their own
risks and may lead to a decision about whether or not to abort a baby.' |
| NCT teacher/tutor |
Some professionals assume that women make a positive choice to undergo
screening and diagnostic testing in order to abort the fetus if it is
abnormal, but this is not necessarily so (Van den Akker, 1993). They are
far more likely to be seeking reassurance that their baby is all right
(Gladman, 1994). For some women, termination, however distressing, may
be preferable to giving birth to a child with a disability or life-threatening
disease. But for others, termination is unacceptable on personal, moral
or religious grounds. Some parents who, before testing, thought they would
have a termination if the result was positive, may change their minds
when faced with the decision. Others may never consider a termination
but may want to know if their baby is abnormal so that they can begin
the process of adaptation and acceptance before he or she is born.
'Pregnant women now have to search their own souls and make a positive
moral decision whether they would want to continue with the pregnancy
or have a termination.....And that day that they take the decision will
have changed them' (From Nicolaides, 1994, by permission).
Religious and cultural issues
The amount of screening offered during a normal pregnancy may
particularly surprise or worry women who have strong religious views on
interventions and/or on the termination of pregnancy, or who are unfamiliar
with British antenatal care. Some may feel threatened, frightened, confused
or assaulted. Some may not have the confidence to ask questions or to
challenge routine practice. As always, language barriers increase any
difficulties:
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It is important not to assume that quiet acceptance
equals consent and to ensure that all women, whatever their background,
are informed of the purpose, scope, risks and benefits and limitations
of the various tests, and that they understand that they have choices. |
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The cultural, religious, spiritual, social and emotional
implications of testing should be taken into account. At the same
time it is important not to assume, for example, on the basis of a
client's religion, what she is going to decide. Women who make decisions
contrary to the teaching of their religion may be in particular need
of understanding and comfort. Scrupulous confidentiality must be maintained.
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Some women may have concerns in relation to specific
procedures. Some may be unwilling to have blood taken during pregnancy
in case it weakens them. Muslim women who are fasting during Ramadan
may be unwilling to give blood and may refuse glucose tolerance tests.
Some Orthodox Jewish women, who are usually certain about the date
of their last period, may see no point in having a scan to date their
pregnancy. The physical exposure required to carry out a scan may
present problems for some women. |
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Women who normally make major decisions jointly, or
whose husbands or older female relatives normally make such decisions,
may want the consent and support of other family members before deciding
whether to accept screening or diagnostic tests. Information and counselling
about screening and diagnostic testing should therefore be available
to husbands or partners and other family members. However, care should
always be taken to ensure that the woman gives consent or refuses
on her own behalf. |
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Appropriate counselling and screening should be offered
to people known to be possible carriers of genetic diseases such
as the haemoglobinopathies and Tay Sachs disease (see chapters 25
and 29). However questions about people's origins and family histories
should be broached sensitively and with clear explanations of the
reasons for asking. |
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In some parts of the world there are enormous cultural,
social and economic pressure to have sons, especially if a couple
only has daughters (Booth, Verma and Singh Beri, 1994; Imam, 1994).
Health professionals may be concerned about telling some parents the
sex of their unborn child in case they decide to terminate the pregnancy
if the baby is a girl. Termination on these grounds is illegal and
is abhorrent to most people. But before making judgements about others,
it may be useful to remember that many parents' decision to abort
an 'abnormal' fetus in the UK is influenced by the knowledge that
our society does not provide adequate resources for the disabled,
and that able-bodied people are ignorant and prejudiced about disability.
Similar social and economic constraints are at work when women in
India choose to abort girl fetuses (Grant, 1993). |
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